1 10 5 https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/21127/archive/files/aa9b3e9cc5652826bb75df3420d5d1f6.pdf?Expires=1776902400&Signature=g5pujRYoGTaj-GpSUe8nPnjpsWRozycH3nWFBqHwU2MR8GcdwoxLuhV4Ew%7Ek0RgARglkfTQmIHZQIZfRgVMG4iK%7EiIRiD6Bq1wPwGtQRe-R1sL75IVuA9ExP3CD2GfzuIsKNUows8yKOFR3vh5DrfVqpgL1sscxWd5lzS5vEZRWFOG8U0Yx8L3IVYvYdy441varWa6BIy0Bh-W%7EWjIQZZjA6deNaCJTkq1fJBotYANY8jKolEyCzKtD4-9Wtt1U4Cx%7Ed1xm9TaAUJmYNrfbbwDhAGW3uBeL3CC%7EUjWggBk3jwR2J-GB8Fh8GffZRM5gUceLQ2F-7UywP4uoowfWrmA__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM ebd6d3947aa3268d5c61e985ba48e15f PDF Text Text THE HISTORY AND ACTUAL CONDITION OF INDUSTRIAL HERITAGE IN ALBANIA: THE PROBLEMS AND OPPORTUNITY OF THE METALLURGICAL COMPLEX OF ELBASAN Assist. Prof. Dr. Frida Pashako Architecture Department, Epoka University Rr. Tiranë-Rinas, Km. 121039 Tirana, Albania fpashako@epoka.edu.al PhD. Candidate Boriana Vrusho (Golgota) Architecture Department, Epoka University Rr. Tiranë-Rinas, Km. 121039 Tirana, Albania borianagolgota@gmail.com Abstract The history and evolution of the industrial heritage of Albania is strongly link with the historical, political and social events of the country. Since the second half of the 19th to the fall of the communist regime (1991) a lot of public investments in the industrial sector have been carried out, often those were part of the cooperation plans signed with Eastern European states (Yugoslavia, Cine and Russia). The expansion of the industrial sector, especially during the communist regime, brought economic and social progress, representing the only redemption of the country from backwardness and towards the building of a modern aspect. Since 1991 Albania has initiated a process of modernization and deindustrialization of the sites built during the Communist era without a strategic plan aimed at economic conversion and then re-use of these areas, as during the transition process was difficult to defend the republic and regulate private interests. The paper presents a study about one of the biggest and interesting industrial site in Albanian: the metallurgical complex of Elbasan. It is located in central part of Albania and was promoted from communist regime to build one of the most important industrial sites, although being one of the most ancient cities in country. Construction started since 1965 with the establishment of the steel rolling mill plant, in cooperation with Chinese Government. Further on, were put into use the cement fabric, coke plant, almery, pig-iron, steel; and lastly the nickelcobalt and ferro-chrome plants. The whole area of industrial plant occupies a large area of about  The text is the result of a joint reflection, while the various paragraphs are so attributed: History and evolution of Albanian Industry, "Steel of the party" - Metallurgical Complex of Elbasan - Frida Pashako. Survey of the actual conditions of Metallurgical Complex in Elbasan, Proposals and Strategies for Territorial Reassessment - Boriana Vrusho (Golgota). 1 �half of the size (about 460 km2) of the local government territory (about 1200 km2). After the fall of communist regime, a considerable part of the industrial warehouses went out of function, broke down and left without any investment. Today and after the process of privatization (started since 1992) some part of the complex are reused for industrial purposes, other parts are totally abandoned and represent a risk for the decay and pollution. Our intention is to evaluate the importance of the industrial heritage in one of the most important industrial city of Albania in order to promote and to sensitize the institutions and the populations about the importance of such areas not only historical but also social and economic. In fact about 12000 of peoples have worked and passed a considerable time of their life there in the only site of Elbasan. The methodology used in the study is based on recording, analysing and providing strategies for regeneration and adaption of this huge abandoned industrial complex, in order to transform it from a problematic asset to an opportunity and catalyst for the city. Furthermore, this will help national and international community to recognize the values and potential of industrial assets in Albania for the regeneration and sustainable development of the urban context. Lastly, by this paper we give a contribution in carry forward the scientific research of Albanian industrial heritage. Keywords: industrial heritage, metallurgy, industrial site. 2 �History and evolution of Albanian Industry The history and evolution of the industry and the Albanian intrinsically linked to the historical, political and social of the entire nation. The first investments in the sector were made by the second half of the 19th to the fall of the communist regime (1991), they were almost always related to political alliances with foreign states. In the 20s the first concessions were given, issued in favour of foreign companies (French, Austrian and Italian), which invested in mining and energy, creating settlements of Patos-Marinza, Selenica and Petrolia1. The communist state was being formed just after the Second World War, creating immediately a closure to the Western powers and an opening towards the east. Consequently was started an initial alliance with Yugoslavia soon faded for fear of assimilation. The period 1949-'61 was marked by the pact with the Soviet Union. The Russian geopolitical interests were conciliated with the need of progress of Albania. The relationship was based also in mutual trade exchange. The Soviet Union import from Albania mineral products (chromium and copper) but also agricultural products (tobacco, fruit and citrus fruits). On the other hand it exported to Albania capital goods such as equipment for the industry and especially wheat and agricultural fertilizers. Moreover Russia was offering loans with minimum interest rates that followed were condones at all. The cooperation affect also the state planning and management of resources and investment, in fact in Albania as in Russia were adopted the five-year plans, although they started with a two-year plan (1949-'50) during which was realized the first railway in the country (Durres - Peqin). The 1st plan (1951-55): had as challenge the industrialization of an economy based almost on agriculture and to create scientific and technical skills of the workforce. Also it aimed to guarantee valuable technical - scientific support, which was offered thanks to the cooperation with the Soviet Union. In fact in those years a lot of Soviet specialists worked in Albania, transmitting their knowledge in factories. The 2nd plan (1956-60): pointed to the collectivization of agriculture through the creation of new agricultural cooperatives, at the beginning one in every village, later were merged for an extension of four hectares. Farmers are often forced to join. The 3rd plan (1961-65): was marked by the rupture with Russia in 1961, due to the declaration of Albania in favour of anti-revisionism together with China, so it was time for new alliance. In this period they were realized some establishments such as those planned for the leather and shoes in Gjirokastra and Korca, for wood in Tirana and Durres and other small plants. With the 4th plan (1966-70): were inaugurated many important works in continuation with Chinese alliance. Although the Chinese aid amounted to only 10% of investments Albanians, so very low compared with the Russian one. However in this historical moment the 1 Akademia e Shkencave te R.P.S (1976) Historia e Shqiperise [Storia dell'Albania], 4, Tirana, , II, pp. 55-67. 3 �country had reached maturity and preparation for the process industrialization and an important number of factory were inaugurated as the Fier fertilizer industry, the mining and refinery; Vau i Dejës hydroelectric plant; Laç factory of chemical preparations, Durres the rubber factory; Korca factory of high precision instruments and Berat textiles factory. Also started the great project for the Metallurgical Complex of Elbasan. The 5th plan (1970-75): aimed exclusively at large metallurgical complex in Elbasan. In 1978 occurred a rupture also with China and began the period of isolation and autarky. Plans 6th (1976-80), 7th (1981-85) and 8th (1986-90) during isolation period, invested on the chemical and food industries as well as on the construction sector turned mostly in defensive infrastructure (tunnels and bunkers)2. Despite the impressive industrial growth, the central planning compressed the economic freedom through the controlling the strategic sectors by public enterprises. The extreme selfsufficiency of the last years had worn down the economy and with it the patience of citizens (40% of production between 1988 and 1992) and the consequent collapse of Communism (1991). Photo 1: Propaganda posters: Chinese-Albanian partnership voluntary work on background the name of dictaror. As a result of the enthusiasm for defeating the regime, the country is facing uncontrollable economic variables and subject to new reactions. It follows the creation of a transitional economy (from the controlled to a free one) that still marks the country, where an informal economy takes root quickly. This is the moment in which begins the process of industrial disposal. In a climate of collective euphoria where the prospect and the future was represented by the finally friend West, factories and cooperatives were abandoned and robbed. After the 1992 elections, won by the Democratic Party, it embarks on a policy of privatization of public property3 and state-owned enterprises. The phenomenon involves the 2 Parangoni (2012) Arkeologjia Industriale. Nje vleresim i trashegimise industriale ne Shqiperi, p. 51-100. 3 All private companies were privatized and the quotas were divided between workers. An emblematic case is the privatization of various shops. The quotas and property was passed to the contracts without considering that they are often on private property or buildings belonging to private owner before the communist regime. 4 �entire system of small industries to medium and small craft businesses. Even the agricultural cooperatives did not escape this reform that brought to bankruptcy and closure. As result of such reforms, the Albanian economy seems to take off. The foreign press attributes Albania the highest growth of gross domestic product compared to other countries of the East (1993-’95 GDP growth average 9% a year, while inflation comes down from 85–7.8 %). Soon it will prove a simulated growth and injected development, supplied by foreign aid and remittances from emigrants. While the industrial production stagnated, exports are cancelled and imports consist of customer discretionary (automobiles, televisions, etc.). Meanwhile, results latent the closure and decommissioning of industrial facilities. The phenomenon will reach a second peak in 1997, the year of economic and social collapse of the country. The creation of a bogus financial system based on pyramid schemes, with excessive rates and suitable money laundering, had sedated Albania for a few years. The collapse of this system has led to disarray (destruction of public and private property) with a fall in GDP of 8% and an increase of inflation to 50%. Currently Albania has undergone an intensive regime of macro-economic restructuring under the supervision of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. The modern condition of industrial plants is forthcoming abandonment. The phenomenon of the scrap has progressively degraded industrial heritage as well as representing a social case. In fact there are 32000 individual and informal collectors in Albania of which 12520 are gypsy4, which have as their only source of income collection of recycled material (ferrous and not). The consequence of uncontrolled phenomenon of scrap at industrial sites has led to significant structural damage to buildings which are likely to collapse. In addition, many ancillary and service buildings, which were made entirely of metal, were totally dismantled. Of them it remains only the imprint and archival documentation. The progressive loss and the continued damage of the abandoned industry leads to the necessity of knowing the industrialization process of Albania, as a first step for the development of this heritage and starting point for the promotion of policies and reuse. "Steel of the party" - Metallurgical Complex of Elbasan. Elbasan, is one of the most important cities of Albania. It is located in the center of the national territory and is an important crossroads, for national and international transport connection. It is situated 50 km from Tirana. It's strategic location was appreciated since antiquities, in fact it was an important station of the famous Roman Egnatia road, that connected Rome with Constantinopolis. The city has an important history as commercial center since the Roman and through the Ottoman period. Based on this tradition, during the '20-'30 in Elbasan an significant craft production was developed and also the first industrialization steps were done with the installation of the industries of alcohol, tobaccos and cigarettes, oil and soap. After the Second World War 4 Data collected by Eper Center, IFC, BE, ARA, vd. Online: http://www.riciklimi.al/ 5 �the city had important progress in the economy and urban development. A lot of new industries was established as food and construction factories, and an important investment was done in the so called "black metallurgy", that transformed forever the character and economy of the city5. The decision for the construction of the metallurgical complex of Elbasan was part of an important propaganda agenda. The communist government after the rupture with the USSR, needed to show and confirm the power of the new ally, the Republic of China. Therefore, inspired from the visit of Chinese leader Çu En Lai in 1964, during the Fifth Congress of the Party of Labor of Albania, the communist leader (Enver Hoxha) promote the erection of the metallurgical complex of Elbasan as the most important industrial complex throughout the country, part of the fourth 5-years plan (1966-1970)6. He stated that the giant of Albanian industry would change the fate of the country through a fast and prosperous economic growth, thanks to the financial and technical support of the Chinese friendship. So he affirmed that would represent for the Albanians the “second liberation” of country after that one of the Second World War7. The "Metalurgjiku" was conceived in the Fourth Five-Year Plan (1966-1970) promoted through Chinese partnership and was completed during the period 1971-'79. It construction is strongly related with the jubilee of the liberation of the country (1969). It was an important date for the Party and its propaganda that with international aid of the Republic if Chine invested in 30 very important projects. The great aim of the fourth and fifth plan was to bring the Metallurgic Complex to a capacity of process of 800 thousand tons of iron-nickel ore a year and production of 250 thousand tons of steel, sheet metal of various dimensions, water, oil, gas conduit tubes, iron-nickel and cast iron for the foundries. This huge complex will be not only self-sufficient but it will serve all the industry of the country8. To cope with the huge production aforementioned were constructed 520 buildings, including plants, factories and an important transport network inside with railway, cable car and of course streets. This huge industrial complex transformed the entire landscape of Elbasan city. It was located on the west of the center city, limited to the north by the national road that links with Tirana and Durres, to the south by the river Shkumbini and to the west by productive farmland typical of this plain. For the realization of the complex were moved 2.5 million m3 of ground, were used 830 thousand m3 of concrete and 146 thousand m3 of metal precast elements, that shaped the Albanian giant of Metallurgy. The complex had an strong impact on the transformation of the landscape and skyline of the city, the 2 big furnaces were flanked by high cooling towers and even more high chimneys that have become symbols of the hated and loved the city. 5 Akademia e Shkencave (2009) Fjalor enciklopedik shqiptar. vol 2. p. 585-588. 6 Halili, Nj. (2012) Geopolitics of Albania after the relationships with China (1961-1978). Published in scientific magazine Global Challenge. p. 39. 7 Instituti i Studimeve Marksiste-Leniniste (1981) Historia e Partisë së Punës të Shqipërisë. p. 337-357. 8 Klosi (1969) 25 years of construction work in socialist Albania. p. 21-22. 6 �Photo 2: Fourth Five-Year Plan (1966-1970) promoted through Chinese partnership. 7 �Photo 3: Isuf Sulovari, "The giant of metallurgy", National Art Gallery of Tirana. Photo 4: Actual condition of the Metallurgic complex (photo of authors). 8 �Survey of the actual conditions of Metallurgical Complex in Elbasan. Dealing with EU and local governmental policies to rebuild the abandoned industrial sites in Albania, it is necessary to evaluate properly the most important ones. This study aims to analyze in deep the Metallurgical Complex, once considered as the “engine” of the economic development of the Elbasan city. The paper should include the record of actual situation, analysis of the industrial site and proposals for strategies of regeneration and adaption of the complex. This study makes possible a clearer introduction to national and international level of the values and potentialities of Albanian industrial assets with the vision of future sustainable development of local industries. As the Metallurgical Complex of Elbasan emerged with the intention of creating large centers of production, the site represents memorable social, historical and engineering values. The industrial complex was seen as the pride of Albanian and Chinese specialist which worked together to construct about 520 objects and ultimate industrial lines. The communist regime persisted in the industrialization process to create as called “the socialist society” and fill the gaps of the past by adding industrial domestic production. The construction and operation of Metallurgical complex included the work of 12000 of people, under state directives for the promotion of working class in the industrialization process. The “movement 1+2”, which implied the commitment of one qualified worker undertakes to qualify two others with no economic profit, was one of the various stimulations of the party to promote hard and qualified work. The ideology represented in the construction and working time of the Metallurgical complex of Elbasan reflected the socialist attitude. The new socialist worker was considered hard worker, disciplined, high performance and decent citizen, showing no personal material interest. Albanians felt proud of producing for the first time local industrial elements with high standard, meeting the domestic production requirements. Photo 5 Actual condition of the Metallurgic complex (photo of authors). 9 �The 460 km2 of industrial territor comprises an area of about 300.000 m2 industrial buildings, about 20.000 m2 capanons and 36 km rail track which is connected to national railway. The following maps illustrate the most important factories located in the Metallurgical Complex of Elbasan. 1. Mechanical Factory (since 1974). 2. Medium Foliation Factory (since 1966). 3. Fine Foliation Factory (since 1974). 4. Wire Factory. 5. Main Electrical Substation. 6. Steel lamination Factory (since 1965). 7. TEC (power plant). 8. Factory 12 (produced agglomerate and Ni concentrate). 9. Furnaces. 10. Coke Factory (since 1984). 11. Nickel-cobalt Factory (since 1981-1997). 12. Carbonaceous materials Factory (since 1976). 13. Refractory materials Factory (since 1981). 14. Ferro-chrome Factory (since 1988). 15. Sponge Factory. 16. Remount (part of Mechanical Factory). 17. Lime Factory. A schematic view of factories utilization could give a better view of actual situation. The following are described main industrial factories in terms of functional use before ’90 and nowadays. Factories that changed their function after ’90:  Sponge Factory - operates since 1997 in one of the objects of metallurgical complex, by private company “Expansion”.  The electrical substation - is still in function supporting the city of Elbasan. Part of the objects of this site are privatized for production of granite, gas and SO2 (Starflex Granitis Koll, ELBAGAZ, Budogas and Production SO2). Privatized Factories that did not changed their function after ’90:  Medium Foliation Factory – privatized by Kürüm Holding Group Albania (Photo 7). The factories assure now the production of lime, steel, oxygen and scrap processing. Furthermore, in 2013 Kürüm International privatized four hydroelectric power plants in Albania with 400 kw/h capacity to meet the demands of production in the industrial site of Elbasan. In 2014 the company produced 303000 tons of re-bars and 443000 tons of billets9. The objects taken by the company seemed to be restored and the site were contoured by high concrete walls (Photo 7). 9 Kürüm Holding (2014) Annual Report. p.27. 10 � Ferro-Chrome Factory - was privatized by AlbChrome. It actually produces ferrochrome (mixture of iron and chrome with some composition of carbon). The plant is compound of two furnaces, both in function, producing high-carbon Ferro-Chrome10. The actual production capacity of 33000 tons is totally exported in European and other industrial countries. The first one was rehabilitated and put on work in 2013 by BALFIN Group.  Refractory materials Factory - was privatized from 1996 by “Refraktare Sh.A.” Company, producing bricks.  Coke Plant selection and Metal Plant selection – under the decision of Council of Ministers Nr. 378, date 12.8.1999, these sites were described as the change of owner wright from public properties to private owner.  Cement Factory – privatized by Seament Holding in 2001, named today as ECF (Elbasan Cement Factory). It is located in the ex-Lime Factory, using the carrier to produce limestone and cement. The decision was made by the Albanian Assembly with the proposal of the Council of Ministers, by the law nr 8805, date 17.5.2001.  Mechanical Factory – was privatized in 1996 from 439 shareholder with the name of Mechanical Factory sh.a. Nowadays there are still produced mechanical equipment. Abandoned factories:  Remount Factory – the factories are out of function and seriously degraded (Photo 4, 5). The warehouses are constructed with red brick walls and metal truss cover. Most of objects are one – two floors with high height. From the photos can be seen their degraded condition, with ruined walls and bare structure of concrete beams and metal king truss roof. Windows of abandoned warehouse have shattered glass in all facades and in some cases there was left no more than the naked object’s structure.  The Wire Factory - was also degraded and not in working conditions.  Transport system of 36 km long rail track which was connected with the national railway is nowadays out of function. From the skyline of the photo we can see the furnaces and coke factories, mostly out of function. Minor local private businessmen have used some of the small objects as warehouses for depositing cement sacks, but clearly have not done any investment for the overall conditions.  The Furnaces - located in the southern part of the site, are highly damaged and also out of function (Photo 6). Most of brick walls have been decayed and only concrete structural elements apparently are not damaged. 10 Information from online page of ALBCHROME. Found at http://albchrome.al/ferro-chrome.html 11 �Map 1 from: http://geoportal.asig.gov.al/Map.aspx?lang=AL Map 2: Itenerary of field trip (elaboration of authors). 12 �Photo 6, 7: Objects of Remount Factory (photo of authors). Photo 8: Furnaces (photo of authors). Photo 9: Medium Foliation Factory (photo of authors). Through years, the Metallurgical complex of Elbasan comprised a serious industrial asset to be faced. National Governments have given the opportunity to regenerate the degraded sites by the process of privatization and usage for a long period of time. Due to the massive extension, the privatization have segmented the entire entity and leaving out of function the most deteriorated factories. The site have been in jurisdiction of Central Government and Ministry, hence the Municipality of Elbasan have had no competences in imposing local will for site changes. Future developments propose international investments, from various countries which have expressed their interest for the site (as Italian and Belgium companies). One of the most creative events ever organized in the Metallurgical Complex was “Informal Mind”. In 2014, about 22 artists presented their works inspired by the local space and the inhabitants. This activity, the first of its kind, opens the path of future transformation of the industrial complex in a new perspective, taking in consideration creative industries and laboratories. On the other hand, constant denunciations from the media (televisions, print and online media) have exposed and highlighted the high level of contamination produced by the Metallurgical Complex from the working industries. Results from the research made the Ministry of Environment in 2014 on the pollution level in the industrial site, show the alarming pollution levels, which are several times more than the normative set by BE. An interesting study was 13 �made in 2003, about the air, water, soil and plant and animal production quality11. Data were collected by the industrial toxicology laboratory in Elbasan. One of the most important parameters to take into account is the Soot/SO2, which in Elbasan is about 2-3; very high in comparison to European normative from which Soot/SO2 ratio should be 112. It is interesting to see that, according to analysis done from the laboratory, the concentration of metallic elements in water is within allowed standards, as result of the closure of most of factories. As a result, chrome and nickel are the most concerning elements in site. Especially soils which contain nickel need immediate rehabilitation, also because it is considered carcinogen. Agricultural lands are mostly contaminated by heavy metals like Zn, Cr and Cd, with a radius of 5 km from the metallurgical complex. These metals have high presence of carbon and iron oxide13. This study also have analyzed inhabitants near the metallurgical area. Almost 2000 people unable to work because of industrial contamination through years; from which, in most cases, pneumatic disorders have been identified. Dust released directly in air containing iron-nickel are the most dangerous ones. Proposals and Strategies for Territorial Reassessment. Albania, having the status of Candidate County in EU, has to make noticeable steps and show progress in implementation of key reforms. Preservation and promotion of local cultural heritage is one of the most important worldwide directives. Elbasan, with other important Albanian cities as Tirana, Shkodra, Korça, Kuçova, Fier and Durres, could be part of international route ERIH (European Route of Industrial Heritage). Taking in consideration the major role of the Metallurgic Complex in the city of Elbasan an in country, the complex could be regenerated in some perspectives as sustainable territorial and urban development, creating ecofriendly facilities. Different thesis could propose the reuse of the site for industrial purpose, promoting sustainable new production and continuation of ex-industrial working processes. On the other hand; being inspired from the social memory as the complex epitomizes not only the work of local citizens, but also their everyday life and social identity created by the city itself; the site regeneration could introduce totally new functions. As the actual industrial area is considered highly polluted, it could be very interesting to transform the site in a green park, promoting ecological cleaning. Moreover, as the city of Elbasan is located 45 km from the capital city Tirana and 82 km from the Adriatic Sea, can offer decentralization of tourism from the seaside by promoting local agriculture production. Regulatory planning could provide better involvement of the industrial complex by transforming the industrial site in an agricultural one, as located only 5 km far from the city center. 11 Tola Y (2003) Normative of air, soil, water, plant and animal production quality in agro-ecosystem. p. 26. 12 Tola Y (2003) The impact of industrial pollution on the health of living beings in the area of Elbasan. p. 50. 13 Sallaku F, Sulce S, Kristo I, Shallari S (2003) Pollution analysis of the elements Cd, Cr, and Zn as well as their forms of pollution in the industrial zone of Elbasan. p. 66. 14 �Elbasan is part of the most ancient cities of county, summarizing itself 100 historical and cultural sites, 80 natural monuments, a wide range of natural assets14. Hence, from the architectural point of view, introduction of creative industries could generate profit for local, national and international traders. Being located almost one hour far from Tirana, the complex could easily upload pressure from the capital city and attract creative tourists and artists. Inspiring from some of the most successful examples like Ruhr in Germany or Barcelona in Spain, the industrial complex could be the house of start-ups for new artists, cultural centers, art galleries, experimental centers etc. Hereby, industrial heritage of the city could be visited in a large scale and enjoyed by the public absorbing the spirit of the time in a modern perspective. Acknowledgments We wish to thanks the National Agency of Territory Planning (AKPT) and Municipality of Elbasan staff for making possible site visiting and finding valuable materials regarding the Metallurgical Complex of Elbasan. Authors Biography Frida Pashako has a Msc. degree in Architecture and Phd in Architectural Design for the Mediterranean Countries from Polytechnic University of Bari (Italy). Currently she is lecturer in Epoka University - Department of Architecture (Historical Environment and Conservation Theory and Studio). Pashako is Member of the Scientific Committee for the Restoration at the Institute of Monuments of Culture of Albania and President of Albanian Chapter of INTBAU. Her research activity has been mainly focused on: Architectural Heritage in Albania: from the Traditional Domestic Buildings to the Modern Architecture (1920-40) and the Communist Architecture as the Industrial Complex. She is tutor and advisor for Master Thesis at Epoka University and Polytechnic University of Bari. Boriana Vrusho has a Msc. degree in Architecture from the Polytechnic University of Tirana, in 2010, and a MP degree in “Spatial Planning and GIS Applications” from POLIS University Tirana in collaboration with IHS ERASMUS Rotterdam, in 2013. Has worked as a full time lecturer at “Aleksander Moisiu” University Durres since 2010, focusing in city spatial planning and architectural building projection. From 2014 and ongoing, she is attending PhD in Architecture at EPOKA University, focusing in Albanian industrial heritage. References  Abeshi, P, Canaj, E & Godo, D 2003. Projects and priority areas of the Ministry of Environment. Published by Association “Environment and Health” at the National Conference “Industrial Pollution and bioorganic agriculture”, Elbasan. 14 Tourist Information Office Çelesi (2010) Your tourist-practical guide to Elbasan. p. 27. 15 �                  Akademia e Shkencave 2009. Fjalor enciklopedik shqiptar. Tirana. Akademia e Shkencave te R.P.S. 1976. Historia e Shqiperise 4, Tirana. Albchrome. Metallurgy. Published online from AlbCHROME. Source (online, accessed 10/6/2015): http://albchrome.al/metallurgy.html Beccu, M, Calace, F, Martines, G, Menghini A. B & Ruggiero, F 2014. Industrial Heritage in Albania: Architecture and Landscape. A new resource for Fier - 2nd ICAUD, Albania, 8-10 May 2014. Bevapi, K 2003. Elbasani – Encyclopedia. Calace, F, Menghini, A. B & Pashako, F 2014. Dismissione industrial e paesaggi d’Italia tra memoria e transformazione: report from WWF Riutilizziamo l’Italia, viewed 10/07/2015, http://awsassets.wwfit.panda.org/downloads/report_wwf_2015_2_09.pdf. CEMSA Project 2013. Hot Spots Monitoring as part of National Integrated Environmental Monitoring System (IEMS). EuropeAid/128449/C/SER/AL – IPA 2008. Co-PLAN 2006. Strategy of development of the city of Elbasan. Halili, Nj 2012. Geopolitics of Albania after the relationships with China (1961-1978). Global Challenge, May 2012, nr 1. Instituti i Studimeve Marksiste-Leniniste 1981. Historia e Partisë së Punës të Shqipërisë. Tirana Klosi M 1969. 25 years of construction work in socialist Albania. 'Naim Frasheri" publishing house, Tirana. Ministry of Energy and Industry (-) Information on Former Industrial Buildings Prone to Opportunities from Investors in Industry Field. Parangoni I 2011. Assessment of Industrial Heritage in Albania. Published by Albanian Heritage Foundation, Tirana. Parangoni, I. 2012. Arkeologjia Industriale. Nje vleresim i trashegimise industriale ne Shqiperi. Published by Albanian Heritage Foundation, Tirana. Rukaj, M. 2012. Elbasan the polluted city. Osservatorio balcani e caucaso. Source (online, accessed 10/6/2015): http://www.balcanicaucaso.org/eng/Regions-andcountries/Albania/Elbasan-the-polluted-city-124037 Sallaku, F, Sulce, S, Kristo, I & Shallari S 2003. Pollution analysis of the elements Cd, Cr, and Zn as well as their forms of pollution in the industrial zone of Elbasan. Published by Association “Environment and Health” at the National Conference “Industrial Pollution and bioorganic agriculture”, Elbasan. Tola ,Y 2003. The impact of industrial pollution on the health of living beings in the area of Elbasan. Association “Environment and Health” at the National Conference “Industrial Pollution and bioorganic agriculture”, Elbasan. Tola, Y 2003. Normative of air, soil, water, plant and animal production quality in agroecosystem. Association “Environment and Health” at the National Conference “Industrial Pollution and bioorganic agriculture”, Elbasan. 16 �  Tourist Information Office Çelesi 2010. Your tourist-practical guide to Elbasan. UNDP 2003. Promoting Regional Development through the Millennium Development Goals. 17 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Big Stuff 2015 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Alison Wain Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 03.09.2015 - 04.09.2015 Paper A paper presented at a conference or a workshop Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource <em>The history and actual condition of industrial heritage in Albania: The problems and opportunity of the metallurgical complex of Elbasan</em> Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Frida Pashako & Boriana Golgota Vrusho Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Big Stuff 2015 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 industrial heritage metallurgy site https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/21127/archive/files/1d38a75a624bc3d4cfb26fab8f986b4a.pdf?Expires=1776902400&Signature=pZbT1wmrhAzOMj8Fa29nJXREc0PQ640P7d4wSPHV7J7IUGUXxsNBsf3uVI1Fn1oVeBG%7EtdtMsYd0D5PR0GZxBZukubdpD%7Eis%7E8hG3n4cL1T9ygqAYNKmjdeWHazyV3yDvmiwvNSsu7iRELcUE8FnGoJOvVMzcWGgPM6HJuy58cWE%7EsI7B-inLE16wxDtJROS0HkOqjIN4u-Oe05HZMycVkLkrn26jNt9I8tGMv87ikIh7AH%7EVYMkqnMJk2mOysDUSstV%7EqCfL6Q8OaIWMvB8wkAD2embJkKFm7VVyTDrjTH2X8xfi6XVjwlqf3lXdwtteqp3C8kgJyzb18XyX1p%7EeA__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM 42269e6857c7a56a35da51ab40eb6c9f PDF Text Text Large  scale  industrial  structures  conservation  in  China–  a  short  report     Dr.  Yiping  Dong   Department   of   Architecture   Xi’an  Jiaotong-­‐Liverpool  University.   Suzhou,  China     2015-­‐Sep-­‐3   Abstract     This  presentation  will  discuss  the  designation,  conservation  practice  and  heritage   research  about  the  large  scale  industrial  structures  in  China.  Cases  from  Shanghai,   Beijing,  Huangshi,  Benxi,  and  Tangshan,  etc.  will  offer  a  general  view  about  the  big   picture  of  industrial  heritage  conservation  in  China.       With  the  term  of  "Industrial  Heritage"  has  been  widely  accepted  by  the  Chinese   conservation  community,  a  number  of  industrial  buildings  and  structures  have  been   listed  as  National  or  Local  monuments  or  historical  buildings  recently.  The   designation  efforts  by  SACH  have  achieved  great  improvement  in  Industrial  Heritage.   However,  the  conservation  practice  for  industrial  heritage  in  China  is  very  closely   related  to  the  adaptive  reuse  of  industrial  buildings/spaces  in  urban  context,  which  is   driven  by  the  economic  engine  in  creative  industry  or  real  estate  development.  The   preservation  of  the  large  scale  industrial  structures  encounters  the  challenges  of   lacking  in  concepts  and  professional  skills.       Most  of  the  modern  industries  are  imported  to  China  under  a  complicated  historical   context  after  the  first  Opium  War.  The  industrial  heritage  research  and  discourse  in   China  are  focusing  on  the  conservation  of  industrial  buildings  and  brown  field   regeneration.  Considerations  for  the  environment  problems  of  former  industrial  sites   have  faced  the  challenge  of  high  cost  and  long  remediation  period.  The  Ruhr  area   cases  and  other  western  precedents  have  a  strong  influence  in  the  regeneration   proposals  in  China.  The  typical  big  stuff  elements,  steel  plants  and  coking  works’,   need  maintenance  for  rust  proof  treatment  and  safety  reinforcement,  which  are   lacking  adequate  research  and  professional  support  yet.         Almost  all  the  large  scale  industrial  structures  belong  to  state-­‐owned  enterprises.   The  relocation  for  further  production,  the  former  land  redevelopment  request  for   economic  reasons,  either  driven  by  the  local  government  or  by  the  company,  and  the   former  workers  future  are  composing  a  complicated  situation  for  the  conservation   and  regeneration  of  these  structures.             �The  current  research  about  industrial  structures  is  focusing  on  its  humanity   perspectives  while  the  values  of  some  structures  are  hard  to  assess  under  the   semi-­‐colonial  modern  historical  context  in  China.  Taking  the  fact  that  most  industrial   structures  in  China  are  non-­‐native  technology,  this  paper  argues  that  the  localization   process  within  the  technology  transfer  and  its  transition  routes  research  should  be   established  for  the  further  value  assessment.         Key  names:     State  Administration  of  Cultural  Heritage   （SACH）         中国文物局   Beijing  Coking  Plant     北京焦化厂   SHOUGANG-­‐  Capital  Iron  and  Steel  Works(CISW)     首都钢铁集团   Shanghai  Jiangnan  Shipyard  Co.  Group         上海江南造船厂       上海民生路筒仓     Mingsheng  Rd.  Grain  Silos                 Huaxin  Cement  Plant                                                     华新水泥厂   Qixin  Cement  Plant                 启新水泥厂   Benxi  Iron-­‐  Steel  Plant               本溪铁厂   Daqin  Oil  Field                 大庆油田     � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Big Stuff 2015 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Alison Wain Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 03.09.2015 - 04.09.2015 Paper A paper presented at a conference or a workshop Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Large scale industrial structures conservation in China– a short report Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Yiping Dong adaptive reuse China conservation industrial heritage significance site values https://d1y502jg6fpugt.cloudfront.net/21127/archive/files/a961545b01e132d786ec66a01a097510.pdf?Expires=1776902400&Signature=BIXuQVg6NGUfe9FfggNchM2Rs1UtCXHLJuZEaV1dqEJXnUyAKhOTRf4VCS8a6yKZJuhcJctnYSjcXxpRRGHndaaY3dKgItUYDU46K6xVExxgSx%7EZX7rgzk7wx8YO4m8xw7dNob6-oib60Gthzi2E3IFY70nKKnzf7xq6%7EqZwS6sfvGl8ou%7EAEFl4gDWw8LIoivdtNPMBqjVEMfIP5t3r-h0KUOB3eBbIzFf1B9L1qhqwXvIGS8TVQU8ykvgmmejjzZu5iQN7v1in-DLiA5hvXhcD6cHuwnYfe1PuEvAvRepRhBi9aq9UXWbhV5hTC3H4BbTdynwZJWIYaFKbyVU8LA__&Key-Pair-Id=K6UGZS9ZTDSZM ad3f877dc316d70e2b736df1751e3200 PDF Text Text Industrial heritage management in the context of urban planning Dr. Heike Oevermann, Georg-Simmel-Center for Metropolitan Studies, Humboldt Universität zu Berlin, Unter den Linden 6, 10099 Berlin, Germany heike.oevermann @gsz.hu-berlin.de Keywords: industrial heritage sites, industrial heritage management, heritage conservation, urban development, architecture Introduction The management of industrial heritage sites requires rethinking in the context of urban change; the issue of how to balance protection, preservation/conservation, and development becomes all the more crucial as urban industrial heritage sites grow in number. This brings into play new challenges—not only through the known conflicts between heritage conservation and contemporary architecture, but also the increasing demand for reusing industrial heritage sites as a driver of economic urban development. The following contribution discusses industrial heritage and conservation concerns regarding urban and site development. Industrial heritage is not only an issue of monument protection or heritage preservation, nor is it only about identity, memories, and cultural traditions; it belongs to cities and their transformations. Beyond the theme of cultural heritage, the conservation and use of industrial heritage (heritage management) is an issue for planning and urban development. Recognition and management of industrial heritage sites—as protection, re-uses, or partial demolition—go hand in hand with conflicts in planning practices. The core message is: Industrial heritage sites are part of urban transformation and its planning practices. Therefore, heritage management involves more than dealing with the protection and conservation of the heritage site itself; it also encompasses the urban transformation of the city and the site. Consequently, heritage management practice has to balance heritage conservation concerns and the interests of development, which often include new production of architecture, and has to bridge the gap between these three different perspectives and rationales. The recent debate surrounding the ‘Maritime Mercantile City’ UNESCO World Heritage Site in Liverpool provides insights into this complexity, and illustrates similar questions faced by agents at other UNESCO sites, such as the former Zollverein Industrial Complex at North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany. A three-year project provided profound scientific understanding of the conflicts involving heritage site management in the context of urban planning (Oevermann and Mieg 2015). The project findings will be introduced in the following sections, with some details on the case studies from Liverpool and Zollverein. I argue that the scientific knowledge resulting from our project is useful for heritage management practice, and I will offer first insights into my suggestion on developing best practices for bridging the gap between the concerns of heritage conservation, those of urban development and new production of architecture. Furthermore I suggest a processual collaboration between researchers and practitioners. Transfer of scientific knowledge into practice There is a broad literature providing guidance on heritage management practices, including manuals for UNESCO World Heritage Site Management (Ringbeck 2008; Wijesuriya et al. 2013) and guidance on heritage planning (Kalman 2014). Such guidelines represent a profound depth of knowledge and describe general procedures that are very helpful 1 �in understanding the overall context of managing UNESCO World Heritage Sites, and of heritage conservation in the context of planning. However, existing guidelines do not consider the specific heritage category of large industrial heritage sites, nor do they deeply address the challenge of balancing and bridging heritage conservation concerns and the interests of urban/site development. Approaches to this challenge derive from other categories of heritage: that of the historic city. Goetzmann (2009) describes a successful procedure employed in developing the masterplan (Leitbild) for the UNESCO World Heritage Site at Potsdam. There, conflicts were resolved through establishing alternative concepts, designs, and practices to bridge the gap between heritage conservation and urban development. Another example from the field of historic cities is given by Rodwell (2007), who applies the value of sustainability to bridge heritage conservation concerns and urban development interests. There are also specific tools for conflict management and resolution, such as the internationally acknowledged instrument of Heritage Impact Assessments (HIA), developed by ICOMOS (2011). The heritage management practice in the case of Liverpool shows that this tool supports identifying risks and potential benefits for the heritage site through a largescale urban development project, but that it does support the preparation of alternative concepts, designs, or practices. Furthermore, the case study shows that the HIA does not meet the challenge of resolving competing interests, such as heritage conservation and development. As we see later, its two assessments stick within the perspective and rationale of either heritage conservation or urban/site development. Understanding Conflicts Heritage management is an issue for many diverse agents with different perspectives on and interests in industrial heritage (Kierdorf and Hassler 2000; Albrecht et al. 2011; Douet 2012; Cossons et al. 2015). Creating advocacy among former and new users, local citizens, or local communities is an important issue that has been addressed by several studies (Smith et al. 2011; Cossons et al. 2015, pp.204–207). In this article the empirical studies focus on professional planning agents in heritage management and decision making processes. They mostly advocate either the heritage conservation concerns or the interests of urban/site development. The latter often requires architects and new architecture in order to implement their purposes. Already, it becomes obvious that the differing interests of these various planning agents lead to conflicts. But what are the conflicts about? We can generalize two main lines of conflict that challenge industrial heritage sites. One relates to culture as a driving factor in urban development, the other to architecture and its current production. Conflict 1: Culture in urban development Culture is increasingly recognized as a driving force for urban development. Today, cultural institutions such as museums, or events such as the European Capital of Culture, are used as tools for improving a city’s image, upgrading urban spaces, and providing a lively urban environment. The concept of culture-led development refers to these approaches. Heritage and heritage sites have become assets for urban development, often described as heritage-led development. On the one hand, we can recognize this as an opportunity to legitimize and promote heritage concerns and requirements. On the other hand, this superficial understanding triggers conflicts by failing to acknowledge that heritage values are deeply interwoven with the historical fabric of the sites and city. Conflict 2: Demands on the production of architecture Additionally, conflicts emerge out of the different demands on architectural production. Heritage conservation is based on the intrinsic values of material heritage—be 2 �they objects, buildings, or sites, their authenticity and integrity have to be maintained. Conservation therefore demands careful and minimal architectural intervention. However, urban development often uses architecture as an icon of and for structural change, a new image, and urban brands. Cities employ iconic architecture to promote themselves, attracting both talent and investment. Lastly, architectural design often follows new requirements for reuse, e.g. the upgrading of façades to improve thermal comfort. Architects understand architectural production as a tool to re-design the historical fabric and site. Consequently, conflict with conservationist interests is driven by the reality that competition for professional architectural recognition is better served by singular, iconic projects than by modest and sympathetic treatment of existing sites. We can explain these conflicts due to the differences in values of the three introduced perspectives. Agents of heritage conservation and urban/site development use different concepts and instruments and follow diverse objectives, and their practices are led by different values. In social sciences, we can frame these different concepts, objectives, and values as different discourses. In heritage management, they clash and influence heritage management practice. This conflictive interplay can be understood with the help of synchronic discourse analysis (Oevermann and Mieg 2015a). Through our research, it became obvious that the divergent values encountered throughout the constellation of discourses become sources of conflict (Oevermann and Mieg 2015b). What is needed in heritage management practice is to integrate the different core values and to employ further, shared values to define objectives and concepts for implementation. Both the integrated core values as well as the shared values function as bridges (henceforth ‘bridging values’) between the diverse agents and the differing perspectives and rationales. Table 1 provides an overview of the values and discourses relevant to heritage site management. Table 1: Values and Discourses Value Accessibility Authenticity* Bottom-up Character Design* Development* Economic value* Environmental value* Esthetics* Historic values* (Denkmalwerte) Image Integrity* Re-use Sensitivity Vision* Discourses Architectural production, Heritage conservation, Urban development Heritage conservation Heritage conservation, Urban development, Architectural production, Heritage conservation, Urban development Architectural production Urban development Urban development Urban development Architectural production Heritage conservation Architectural production, Urban development Heritage conservation Architectural production, Heritage conservation, Urban development Architectural production, Heritage conservation Urban development * = Core value Two case studies, from Liverpool and Zollverein, will illustrate the argument. Our research showed that Liverpool and Zollverein are specific cases but not exceptional ones, 3 �regarding this basic conflict between heritage conservation concerns and urban/site development interests. Case studies: Liverpool and Zollverein Liverpool and Zollverein’s UNESCO World Heritage Sites are huge, complex, and constituted by long-term transformation processes. In both cases, it is accepted by all planning agents that both heritage conservation and future urban development are necessary and yet must be balanced. Due to limited space, this article focuses on two details of the transformations. In Liverpool, this concerns the conflictive debate around the ongoing (2014) large-scale development project called Liverpool Waters, located at the Northern Docks. One instrument of heritage management practice—the Heritage Impact Assessment (HIA)—will be introduced to illustrate the extent to which the differences between conservationists and developer influence heritage management practice, and how difficult it is to achieve an appropriate balance. In the case of Zollverein, the Masterplan Zollverein (2001) from the Office of Metropolitan Architecture in Rotterdam is introduced, together with the conservation masterplan (Denkmalpflegerischer Rahmenkonzeption) of Reinhard Roseneck, and the compromises that were agreed—on the basis of bridging values—to balance heritage conservation concerns and development interests. The following discussion does not take into consideration other interesting arguments on the conflicts (e.g. Gaillard and Rodwell 2015 in the case of Liverpool). Liverpool’s large-scale development project Liverpool Maritime Mercantile City has been scheduled as a World Heritage Site since 2004; In 2010 an outline planning application from Peel Land and Property (Peel Waters) was first submitted by Liverpool City Council; since 2012, Liverpool has been included on the UNESCO List of World Heritage in Danger, as a result the density and heights of buildings within the Liverpool Waters proposal, and the resulting impact on the Outstanding Universal Value (OUV) of the heritage site. The Liverpool Waters project is partly located within the heritage territory and its buffer zone north of Pier Head and Prince’s Dock, and will re-use 60 ha of dockland area. It comprises a mixed-use, high-value urban quarter development that will create around 1.7 million square meters of new built space. The project has impacts on archeological objects in the ground, on views and the waterfront, as well as on the overall urban morphology of Liverpool (Bailey 2011; Chadwick and Dicks 2011; Rodwell 2015). In 2014 the project has been revised since the first masterplan; the revised masterplan was approved in 2013, and individual planning applications are still needed. Positive or negative impacts of new development projects on heritage can be assessed by the HIA framework developed by ICOMOS (2011). The central idea is that: “World Heritage sites are thus single heritage assets with an international value that has been clearly articulated. Not everything within them contributes to OUV, but those attributes that do must be appropriately protected.” (ICOMOS 2011, p. iii). Three leading questions will be addressed: What is the heritage at risk and why is it important—how does it contribute to OUV? How will change or a development proposal impact OUV? How can these effects be avoided, reduced, rehabilitated, or compensated? (ICOMOS 2011, p. 4, 2-2-2). It is important for assessing the impact of new developments to understand the intrinsic value of all heritage assets and their contribution to the significance (described as OUV) of the heritage site. Each significance (from minor to major importance as heritage) is assessed to obtain single and cumulative impacts (classified from major beneficial to major adverse) on the heritage site. In summary, the HIA helps to identify upcoming risks or benefits and to differentiate these impacts on heritage sites. However, it does not help to bridge the differences between heritage conservation concerns and the interests of urban/site development. 4 �In the case of Liverpool, both conflicting agents—conservationists and developers— commissioned consultants to produce HIAs. However, the introduced conflicts were repeated in assessing the impacts, as demonstrated by the following quotations from the closing comments. The following conclusion regarding the high density and building heights in the HIA commissioned by English Heritage: “The legibility of the Central Docks and the central commercial core of the City will be damaged by the secondary cluster of tall buildings in the Buffer Zone. Together, the primary and secondary clusters of tall buildings and the string of mid‐rise structures along the Mersey’s edge that form part of this submission, will overwhelm the historic primacy of the Pier Head buildings along the City’s waterfront, causing significant harm to the WHS’s OUV.” (Bond 2012, pp. 392–393). Obviously, this argument gives high importance to the historic values of the site. Historic values are core values of heritage conservation, as Table 1 has shown. In contrast the next argument demonstrates the importance given to economic values as core tenets of urban development: “Tall buildings are included in the scheme to create a new international business destination that will attract investment from around the world. Research confirms that positive economic impacts can accrue from the development of tall buildings. Furthermore, central waterfront locations are a finite and scarce resource, and are highly valued as commercial locations in cities across the world. Therefore, given the difficulties faced by Liverpool in attracting commercial investment and jobs since the demise of the old docks, it is crucial to make the most efficient use of the land through high density development and tall buildings. By using this finite resource carefully, tall buildings also provide more space for creation of high quality public realm.” (Liverpool Waters 2011, p. 13). The different core values influence significantly the two HIAs, not only in this detail but more generally, as shown by the comparative cumulative impact assessment (Table 2). Each number represents a single impact assessment of a heritage asset reflecting OUV, including impacts on (key) views, strategic landmark buildings, townscape characteristics, and compliance with guiding documents and policies. Table 2 shows that the HIA commissioned by English Heritage assesses nine large negative/adverse impacts and no moderate positive/beneficial impacts (versus zero and thirteen respectively, in the HIA commissioned by the developer). Table 2: Cumulative impacts of the Liverpool Waters project on OUV from HIA English Heritage and Liverpool Waters (Bond 2011, p. 356; Bond 2012, p. 386; Liverpool Waters 2011, p. 5). Very large positive/ beneficial Stephen Bond for English Heritage (2012) Peter de Figueiredo for Peel Waters (2011) Large positive/ beneficial Moderate positive/ beneficial Slight positive/ beneficial 0 0 0 3 0 1 13 9 Neutral Slight negative/ adverse Moderate negative/ adverse Large negative/ adverse Very large negative/ adverse 8 7 3 9 3 17 1 1 0 0 5 �From my point of view, the HIA is a very useful instrument to understand in detail the possible impacts on heritage sites, and for assessing these via the core values of a single rationale, such as giving importance to historic values (conservation) or to economic values (development). Nevertheless, it fails to integrate the divergent core values that lead to conflicts, and does not create bridges between the diverse agents and their perspectives and values. Transformation of the Zollverein Industrial Complex Coal extraction at Zollverein ceased in 1986 (Shaft 12), followed by the end of coke production in 1993 (coking plant). At the beginning of the transformation process, discussions were held on whether any (and if so, which) parts of the huge area might have value as monuments. Since 2000, all four of the remaining shaft sites (Shafts 1/2/8, 3/7/11, 4/5/11, and Shaft 12) and the coking plant have been listed as monuments; and in 2001, Shafts 1/2/8, Shaft 12 and the coking plant were also designated an UNESCO World Heritage Site. Since the 1990s, Zollverein has been transformed by creative interventions, and was an anchor project of the International Building Exhibition (IBA) Emscher Park (1989–99). The transformations of the site are ongoing as new uses of art, design, and culture are slowly established. A chronological overview of the history of Zollverein and its transformation (2010) is given in Table 3. Table 3: Chronological overview of the history and transformation of the Zollverein industrial complex, 1928– 2010 Date 1928– 1932 1957 1986 1986 1986 1986 1988 1989 1993 2000 2001 2006 2010 Topic Construction of Shaft 12 by the architects F. Schupp und M. Kremmer 26.11. 15.12. 16.12. 23.12. 24.01. Herbst 30.06. 20.06. 16.12. Jan. Planning of the Cokery Plant by F. Schupp Preliminary listing of parts of Shaft 12 Sale of Shaft 12 at NRW /LEG Listing of Shaft 12 by the ferderal government Closure of Shaft 12 Final listing of Shaft 12 Shaft 12 became IBA project Closure of Cokery Plant Listing of Shaft1/2/8 and Cokery Plant Recognition as UNESCO World Heritage Opening vistor center Opening European Capital of Culture and Ruhr Museum Following the closure of Zollverein, its subsequent transformation stems from the IBA Emscher Park, which was crucial to establishing the linkages between heritage conservation and regional development. The conviction was that future development of the Emscher region would only be possible and successful by conserving the large industrial sites that constitute the region’s historic landmarks (Ganser and Wermker 1994). The agenda Denkschrift Zollverein 2010 (Ganser et al. 1999) followed this integrative planning approach and defined three basic values on which the future transformations of Zollverein: The first of these is to 6 �understand historic shafts and plants as the basic urban design structure, while the others refer to the nature and the future uses of art and design (Ganser et al. 1999, pp. 15–16)1. Despite all critic, Zollverein’s masterplan from 2001/2002 integrated these values in the new development project. A visitor center and Ruhrmuseum, a design school, a congress center, and two industrial design parks are the main new elements, partly realized in 2015. Even more interesting is the urban design concept of the masterplan, which defines the historic complex as the core to be conserved, around which new functions and buildings are to be located. In this ‘shell area’ the demands for protection and preservation are not as stringent as within the former plants. This idea was also implemented in a second masterplan concept, called Denkmalpflegerischer Rahmenkonzeption, written and design by a conservation consultant Reinhard Roseneck (2002). Although there are differences between these two masterplan concepts, both define and respect the protection and conservation area—the core —and define change and development through new buildings in the surroundings. Research findings from synchronic discourse analysis of Zollverein indicate some values function as bridging values between the different concerns and interests of the diverse planning agents. One is accessibility (Zugänglichkeit), a value pointed out by the diverse agents, with nearly the same importance. This became evident through the analysis of planning documents referring to the transformation, from 1989 to 2010 (225 documents in total). Accessibility means facilitating physical access to the formerly inaccessible production site and plants. Graph 1 shows the quantity of documents (in %) that make reference to this value. Next to the common concern of conservation and development, further bridging values are: reuse, and aesthetic values (spatial quality, design and character). However, the value of authenticity—understood according to the rationale of heritage conservation—is introduced. The importance given by the diverse agents differs enormously, thereby indicating sources of conflict, which alsco become obvious in the expert interviews. 92 85 72 70 Conservation 100% = 72 documents Urban Development 100% = 100 documents Amount of docume nts in % 31 28 Architecture 100% = 47 documents Accessibility Authenticity Values Graph 1: Zollverein: Bridging and conflicting values 1The citation in German: “1. Die Gesamtheit der baulichen Anlagen mit den Eckpfeilern Schacht XII, Schacht 1/8, Kokerei, den Gleisanlagen, den verbindenden Bandbrücken und der Kohlenwäsche in der Mitte als Knoten im Netz von Kohleförderung und Kohleverarbeitung. Diese bilden das städtebauliche Gerüst. 2.Die Artenvielfalt und die Schönheit der Natur auf en Industriebrachen. Diese sind Basis für den Zollvereinpark. 3. Die Widmung des Standortes für die Kunst und Kultur des 20. Und 21. Jahrhunderts in einer Qualität die im Weltvergleich bestand hat.” (Ganser et al. 1999, pp. 15–16). 7 �It is striking how few documents on urban development and architecture address values of authenticity. Authenticity is a conflictive value, assigned high importance among agents of conservation yet low importance among agents of urban development and architecture. This result was confirmed by statements in expert interviews. We see that conservation and accessibility function as bridging values because they are implied by most of the documents produced by each group. Development is also integrated within most of the documents, although less so in the field of conservation. The data confirm that the urban design ideas of the two masterplans integrate heritage conservation concerns with the interests of urban development. However, next to these introduced bridging values that facilitate masterplanning, conflicts arise when planning became more detailed. The proposed transformation of the former coal-washing plant into a visitor center and the Ruhrmuseum was a particular issue of debate, which I have reflected in another article (Oevermann 2012, p. 193). In this part of the transformation, addition bridging values were needed to bridge the gap (Oevermann and Mieg 2015a; Oevermann and Mieg 2015c). Identifying best practice in balancing heritage conservation and urban development From my point of view, research findings concerning conflictive and bridging values are useful in the practical sphere of heritage management. In the following sections, I offer first insights into the debate on best conservation practices for bridging the gap between heritage conservation concerns and the interests of urban/site development in this complex field. Four assumptions lead my argumentation: 1. Scientific research findings are generally valid for broader or different constellations of agents. Other values might be relevant. 2. There are tools available, e.g. agent-oriented discourse analysis (akteurszentrierte Diskursanalyse), which allow analysis of different interests and rationales (objectives, concepts, values) and which can be used in practice (Mieg and Oevermann 2015). Synchronic discourse analysis, as briefly introduced here, is an instrument for scientific research. 3. Best practice means the integration of diverse concerns and interests; 4. Understanding the constellation of agents, their perspectives and core values, is the basis for developing best practice for balancing heritage conservation and urban development. The following tools are suggested for identifying best practice in industrial heritage management, balancing heritage conservation concerns with the interests of urban/site development. They are preliminary and need to be discussed and adopted together with partners in practice. Tool 1 (WZ1): A simple matrix might help to structure the perspectives and rationales of diverse agents. Perspectives and rationales can be described by three categories: objectives, concepts, and values. Differences, especially in values, indicate prospective conflicts; shared positions indicate common ground for heritage management practice. Shared values might function as bridging values in practical heritage management. The matrix reveals challenges and opportunities within the constellation of agents, and their perspectives and rationales. It can be used for transparent communication. The use of structured questions can reveal the objectives, concepts, and values of the respective agents during workshops, interviews, round table discussion, etc. These questions are: 1. What are your objectives regarding the industrial heritage management of xxx? 8 �2. What concepts do you use regarding the industrial heritage management of xxx? 3. A prepared list of values, which have to be ticked (multiple-choice), might help to answer the question: What is of great importance regarding the industrial heritage management of xxx? Tool 2 (WZ2): A two-page statement of significance can clarify the OUV/the historic values of the heritage site for all parties involved in the transformation processes. The importance of a shared understanding was highlighted previously, with reference to the ICOMOS Heritage Impact Assessment. In a second step, knowledge on possible bridging values (see Tool 1) can be introduced to all partners. Tool 3 (WZ3): The third tool is a slight revision of the matrix Tool 1. An understanding of the significance of the heritage site and bridging values might enable parties to work out slightly shifted objectives and concepts, and to add some shared values. Examples of shifted objectives might include the adapted re-use of buildings; slightly shifted concepts might involve conservation-led development rather than real estate-oriented development; additional shared values might include accessibility, sustainability, or sensitive design. All agents should be involved in this process of revision. Tool 4 (WZ 4): The fourth tool supports the recognition of best practice to balance heritage conservation concerns and urban development interests. Best practice is identified on the basis of shared objectives, concepts, and values, which are likely be those agreed through the process of mutual understanding and revision. Furthermore, best practice has to take into consideration the statement of significance. The simple matrix can again help to communicate the findings to a broader public and to agents involved in heritage management at other sites. Graph 2 illustrates these first insights toward identifying best practice in industrial heritage management. 9 �Graph 2: Suggested toolkit to identify good practice Conclusion Conflicts in heritage management practice are often based on different perspectives on and interests in industrial heritage sites. Diverse agents might consider the need for both heritage conservation and urban development, but their practice often sticks to the core values of either heritage conservation concerns or development interests. In these cases, planning and assessment instruments such as the HIA do not bridge the differences between the diverse perspectives and rationales. Here, the suggested approach comes into play, a toolkit to help to identify and communicate best practice with the aim of balancing different interests. This suggestion includes: Diverse agents are involved in the process right from the beginning; potential points of conflict are disclosed; the statement on heritage significance is clarified; bridging values are considered; and integrated planning approaches with alternative concepts are defined. It would be of great interest to arrange for collaboration between our research center and partners in practice, to improve the suggested approach and implement it in the practical management of industrial heritage. Acknowledgments This work was supported by the German Research Foundation (DFG) (Project DFG, MI 788/4,1-2). I am grateful to Prof. Harald A. Mieg, for supporting and guiding the research. Vita Dr. Heike Oevermann is based at the Georg-Simmel-Center for Metropolitan Studies at Humboldt Universität zu Berlin, where she is a researcher and lecturer in the field of heritage and urban studies. 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For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Industrial Heritage of Modern Iron and Steel Making in Europe: Preservation Before Extinction Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rolf Hoehmann Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2007 adaptive reuse industrial heritage iron site steel